A New 1968? Serbia’s Student Movement and Its Wider Impact
Milica Starinac | 20 February 2025
Summary
Serbia is witnessing its largest student movement, which began over government negligence in a deadly railway station collapse but has emerged into a pro-democracy protest.
The protests have exposed deep political and economic dissatisfaction, challenging the Serbian Progressive Party’s grip on power and highlighting corruption, media suppression, and institutional failure.
The movement also threatens lucrative state-backed projects involving international actors like China, Russia, the US and the EU.
The collapse of the government has put the ruling party in a difficult position, as fulfilling students' demands would undermine its clientelistic power structure.
Serbia has been witnessing the largest student-led protest movement in its history. The protests started as a response to the government’s refusal to take responsibility for the collapse of a concrete canopy at the railway station in Novi Sad in November 2024, which killed 15 people. It soon turned into a broader movement advocating for the rule of law, democracy and media freedom. Three months into the protests, over 60 university faculties in the country are currently under students’ control with popular support from the Serbian society.
Tens of thousands of citizens protested and demanded the publishing of all documentation related to the reconstruction of the Novi Sad railway station and holding those who attacked students during the protests responsible. Despite Prime Minister Miloš Vučević’s resignation on 28 January and President Aleksandar Vučić claiming that all documentation was published, protests continued demanding the strengthening of the rule of law and fulfillment of the original demands. The ruling Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) failed to address them, as its 12-year reign has been marked by numerous controversies, corruption and a decline in democratic governance.
While the protests are rooted in widespread dissatisfaction with the political, economic and social conditions in Serbia, the country remains polarised. This was demonstrated in many attacks on students during road blockades and including an instance where a female student was beaten and severely injured by four SNS supporters. The students blame Vučić and SNS for inciting violence and creating a culture of impunity for their party supporters. Despite his nationalist rhetoric and autocratic tendencies, Vučić remains supported by the United States (US), Russia and China without condemnation from the European Union (EU). This support is likely due to Serbia’s involvement in large infrastructure projects with these partners, such as the railway reconstruction carried out with a Chinese state consortium, which has provided significant economic benefits to the stakeholders involved—while raising concerns about costs and safety for Serbian citizens.
One of the most controversial and publicly opposed projects is the lithium mining operation in Loznica by Rio Tinto. It is planned to commence in 2028 and is supported by the EU but opposed by the Serbian public due to environmental and corruption concerns. Another controversial project is the redevelopment of a former Yugoslav army headquarters into a luxury business complex by US President Donald Trump’s son-in-law, Jared Kushner. These projects, including EXPO 2027 will very likely be reviewed should there be a new administration abiding by the rule of law.
The students have been clear in stating their demands are not addressed to Vučić, as the Serbian constitution gives the President quite limited jurisdiction. Still, Vučić has attempted to discredit and intimidate protestors by accusing them of being “foreign agents”. A violent crackdown by the riot police, which was employed in the previous years, remains an unlikely scenario, as this would further radicalise the protests which already enjoy broad public support. Moreover, an overly repressive response would likely draw condemnation from the EU, which has been cautious towards Vučić. The biggest challenge for the movement would be to sustain the momentum at current levels of organisation and energy, as it seems that the regime’s tactic is to wait for the protests to wither away. Therefore, public actions aiming to increase mobilisation among the citizens, such as the recent 80 km march from Belgrade to Novi Sad, are important in keeping the momentum going. Another challenge might arise should extraordinary parliamentary elections be organised following the resignation of Vučević’s government. Despite the student movement not being focused on electoral politics nor cooperation with opposition parties, Vučić will possibly attempt to draw the spotlight on the electoral front where he has the upper hand.
Veljko Vukojičić
Forecast
Short-term
The most likely outcome of the protests is a drawn-out standoff, with Vučić attempting to weaken the movement by stalling rather than resorting to overt repression. If the protest momentum and support are sustained, the movement could force significant concessions, but any real accountability measures would risk fracturing the ruling party’s clientelistic power structure, making major reforms a high-stakes scenario for Vučić.
Medium-term
Large public projects are likely to be put under more scrutiny by the public and the judiciary, as such the lithium mine will likely be postponed or cancelled.
Long-term
The model of student organising resembles the historical 1968 protest movement and has been insofar successful in mobilising public support and challenging the ruling regime in Serbia. It is possible that these protests could provide an organisational blueprint for student-led movements in Europe in the following years, especially against the backdrop of declining trust in existing democratic institutions and the rise of the far-right.